Wed, 07/23/2008 10:52 AM | Headlines
East Java to hold its first direct gubernatorial election Wednesday. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, is very involved in local politics in the province, its traditional stronghold. The fractured National Awakening Party (PKB), which NU founded in 1999, has apparently played a smaller role in the election. The Jakarta Post's Muhammad Nafik and ID Nugroho discussed this issue Monday with prominent political scientist Kacung Maridjan at Surabaya's Airlangga University.
KACUNG MARIDJAN: (JP/ID Nugroho) KACUNG MARIDJAN: (JP/ID Nugroho)
Question: There are four candidates from NU contesting the East Java election. How is NU politically involved in this election?
Answer: According to its principles, NU leaves political affairs to its followers, through political parties. Historically, when NU has gotten involved in politics, many of its socio-religious affairs have been neglected. Therefore, since 1984, NU has ceased its direct and indirect political activities. But in reality, NU cannot be separated from political matters because the organization has been involved in the dynamic political situation following the reform era.
When NU facilitated the establishment of PKB (the National Awakening Party) in 1999, it was almost trapped by direct involvement in politics. Since then, and until now, NU is still politically involved, even though it is not a political party.
Q:Then what does NU's khittah (its decision, made in 1984, to quit politics) mean for the organization?
A: The khittah only regulates religious affairs. It does not require NU to avoid politics. Regarding the issue of statehood, NU still plays a role.
The definition of statehood politics is very broad. Between 1988 and 1999, for example, NU was politically involved by establishing and facilitating the creation of PKB and determining the list of its legislative candidates.
Directly or indirectly, NU's political decisions have influenced its followers. In its actual political involvement, NU may not give direct support to candidates, but its decision can still influence its members' choices.
Q:In the East Java race, NU's political involvement is more prevalent than in other regional elections. Why?
A: Because the PKB is in turmoil and East Java is the country's NU stronghold. If NU was not involved in this gubernatorial election, it would appear unwise. The situation has prompted some NU leaders to try to involve the organization directly in the East Java election. When NU held a conference to elect a new local leader last November, there was an institutional agreement or contract that banned the elected chairman from becoming directly or indirectly involved in politics. Such a contract is unrealistic because it is impossible for NU not to be involved in politics, especially indirectly, given such dynamic political events. "Indirect" political involvement is very widely interpreted.
Q: NU embraces principles exhibited by noble political figures, but in fact we have seen its leaders and clerics involved in many cases of money politics during the election. Why?
A: It is actually worrisome. Two weeks ago, a discussion on contemporary Islamic jurisprudence was held in Malang (East Java), to focus on money politics during elections. The discussion concluded money politics is haram (forbidden under Islamic law).
The question is whether every person making a donation should be considered guilty of money politics. Just as with donations to pesantren (Islamic boarding schools), it is considered normal. It is impossible to ask donors to give a donation, as it is considered impolite.
I think it is urgent for NU to address this issue because, over the last two years, money politics has been prevalent in regional elections. Data from campaign teams show they spent much more on local elections in 2007 and 2008 than in 2005 and 2006. The reason is the increase in the number of people voting for candidates based on monetary gifts.
Q: So, ulema have not been able to stop money politics?
A: I think so. They have even become part of the practice. It's sad -- especially since the recent discussion in Malang forbade money politics as haram. Maybe the results of the discussion have not yet been made public to other Muslim clerics. It should have been an issue in the media. I don't see any media outlet that has publicized this issue.
As a result, our public figures are powerless to face the reality of money politics. They don't make efforts to curb it, and are often seen involved in it. It is extremely worrisome because the future of our democracy will be very costly, and very sordid.
Q: Could you cite the most obvious cases of money politics during the East Java election?
A: As I said the recent donation, from the gubernatorial candidate Khofifah Indar Parawansyah, of Rp 1 billion for NU's East Java office is just one, small example.
Q: NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi is backing Khofifah in the election. Do you have a comment?
A: Initially, Pak Hasyim supported the nomination of Ali Maschan Moesa for governor. But he dropped his support after Pak Ali refused to step down as East Java's NU chairman. Then, he switched his support to Khofifah, which was not the case before.
Q: Why Khofifah?
A: Because Hasyim and other NU figures wanted to find an alternative candidate. She is relatively clean and has a widespread network, down to NU's village branches, because she is now the chairperson of Muslimat NU, the organization's youth wing.
In a further development, support for Khofifah has suddenly increased. This cannot be separated from the extraordinary amount of money she has spent to make her bid successful.
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