Indra Harsaputra and ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya | Fri, 07/25/2008 1:49 PM | The Archipelago
A high voter abstention rate has thrown the legitimacy of East Java's gubernatorial election into doubt.
Political analysts and sociologists said the low turnout was "punishment" inflicted by a public "frustrated" with the behavior of local political figures.
The outcome marks a shift in the public's view of political advocates responsible for voter turnout, particularly clerics, bureaucrats and other leaders, sociologist Ayu Sutarto said.
Politically involved community leaders have gone against the aspirations of most people in the province, he added.
"When such figures begin advocating on behalf of politicians, the result can be resistance from the public," Ayu told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
The election results confirm earlier perceptions that public trust for ulema, bureaucrats and politicians is eroding, he added.
"The situation has gotten worse due to the malfunction of existing political machinery.
"What got candidates elected was stirred-up resentment toward certain groups on the part of others -- such as the call for voters to choose only female candidates -- rather than candidates' words or program proposals," Ayu said.
Counts conducted by three separate pollsters showed a nearly 40 percent abstention rate during Wednesday's election.
The election will be rescheduled as, according to the pollsters, none of the five pairs of candidates managed to secure more than 30 percent of the vote.
The top two pairs, Soekarwo-Saefullah Yusuf and Khofifah Indar Parawansa-Mudjiono, have qualified to run in the new election.
Airlangga University political scientist Erlangga Pribadi concurred the high abstention rate was "punishment" for candidates who lacked a clear mission or vision for leading the province.
"The public abstained because they didn't find any of the candidates suitable," he said.
Ali Khaidar from Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the nation's largest Muslim organization, said candidate advocates, particularly ulema and community leaders, have lost influence among the public because of their involvement in politics.
"Aside from East Java, many other regions have seen candidates endorsed by religious leaders lose in direct regional elections," he added.
Political parties and election candidates continue using clerics as advocates because it is cheaper than spending campaign funds on media advertisements, Ali said.
"The public can see through it: Many religious and community leaders speak out during local elections as if they were fighting for the interests of the public, but in reality they aren't," he added.
He said the same thing happened during the 2004 presidential election, when NU leader Hasyim Muzadi, running mate to Megawati Soekarnoputri, lost to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the race.
In his own electoral district of Malang, East Java, Hasyim received fewer votes than Yudhoyono, Ali added.
Indonesian Survey Institute researcher Adam Kamil attributed the low turnout to the East Java election commission's failure to disseminate working programs outlined by each of the five pairs of candidates.
"It proves the commission does not make an effort to promote candidates and their programs."
Friday, July 25, 2008
Thursday, July 24, 2008
Soekarwo-Saefullah look favorites
Soekarwo-Saefullah look favorites
Indra Harsaputra, ID Nugroho and Wahyoe Boediwardhana , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya | Tue, 07/22/2008 10:14 AM | The Archipelago
Soekarwo and Saefullah Yusuf remain the most popular candidates three days before East Java's gubernatorial election, according to a survey released here Friday.
The pair's strongest competition -- former state minister for women's empowerment Khofifah Indar Parawansa and running mate Mudjiono -- saw a significant increase in public support after the 14-day election campaign, the survey added.
The survey was conducted by the Public Survey Institute (ISP) from July 10 to 16, 2008, involving some 1,000 respondents in 38 regencies and municipalities across East Java.
With the close of the campaign last Saturday, support for Khofifah rose 8.6 percent points to 16.6 percent, while that for Soekarwo increased 2.7 percent, to 25.7 percent.
Khofifah and Mudjiono are running with support from the United Development Party (PPP) and several other parties, while Soekarwo and Saefullah have the backing of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Democratic Party (PD).
According to the survey, public support for the Golkar Party's candidates, Soenarjo and Ali Maschan Moesa, decreased after the campaign period to 10.9 percent, from 14.8 percent.
Support for Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam, nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), increased minimally to 10.2 percent, from 10 percent, it added.
Running mates Achmady and Suhartono, backed by the National Awakening Party (PKB) loyal to former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, had the least public support, at 3.7. percent, up from 3.2 percent before the campaign.
ISP director Isra Ramli, a researcher with the Indonesian Survey Institute, said the increase in Khofifah's and Soekarwo's popularity showed the candidates managed to employ their "campaign strategies effectively".
"The two candidates have been successful in their efforts to reduce the number of undecided voters," he added.
The survey estimated the proportion of undecided voters at 33 percent, down from 41 percent before the start of the campaign period.
Soekarwo's and Khofifah's efforts during the campaign to distribute free food and gifts -- in the form of motorcycles and minor haj (pilgrimages) to Mecca, Saudi Arabia -- partly contributed to the increases in their popularity, Isra added.
East Java, the stronghold of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, will hold its first direct gubernatorial election Wednesday, featuring the five pairs of candidates.
Three of the candidates -- Khofifah, Saefullah and Ali Maschan -- are activists and/or former executives of NU.
Khofifah is favored to win by NU members across the province, as she has political support from leaders of the organization's central board.
She is also backed by Muslimat NU, the women's wing of NU, which she led.
A number of senior ulema from NU issued tausiyah (an advisory) in support of the Soekarwo-Saefullah ticket.
"We support one pair of candidates, based on our personal assessment, not on behalf of NU because NU is not allowed to get involved in politics," said Mas Subadar, spokesman for the senior ulema.
Signatories to the advisory included Idris Marzuki (from Kediri), Abdullah Faqih (from Langitan) and Sofya (from Situbondo). The latter two and Subadar were among the co-founders of the Ulema National Awakening Party (PKNU), which is led by Chairul Anam.
However, Anam has pledged his support to Khofifah.
Indra Harsaputra, ID Nugroho and Wahyoe Boediwardhana , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya | Tue, 07/22/2008 10:14 AM | The Archipelago
Soekarwo and Saefullah Yusuf remain the most popular candidates three days before East Java's gubernatorial election, according to a survey released here Friday.
The pair's strongest competition -- former state minister for women's empowerment Khofifah Indar Parawansa and running mate Mudjiono -- saw a significant increase in public support after the 14-day election campaign, the survey added.
The survey was conducted by the Public Survey Institute (ISP) from July 10 to 16, 2008, involving some 1,000 respondents in 38 regencies and municipalities across East Java.
With the close of the campaign last Saturday, support for Khofifah rose 8.6 percent points to 16.6 percent, while that for Soekarwo increased 2.7 percent, to 25.7 percent.
Khofifah and Mudjiono are running with support from the United Development Party (PPP) and several other parties, while Soekarwo and Saefullah have the backing of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Democratic Party (PD).
According to the survey, public support for the Golkar Party's candidates, Soenarjo and Ali Maschan Moesa, decreased after the campaign period to 10.9 percent, from 14.8 percent.
Support for Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam, nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), increased minimally to 10.2 percent, from 10 percent, it added.
Running mates Achmady and Suhartono, backed by the National Awakening Party (PKB) loyal to former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, had the least public support, at 3.7. percent, up from 3.2 percent before the campaign.
ISP director Isra Ramli, a researcher with the Indonesian Survey Institute, said the increase in Khofifah's and Soekarwo's popularity showed the candidates managed to employ their "campaign strategies effectively".
"The two candidates have been successful in their efforts to reduce the number of undecided voters," he added.
The survey estimated the proportion of undecided voters at 33 percent, down from 41 percent before the start of the campaign period.
Soekarwo's and Khofifah's efforts during the campaign to distribute free food and gifts -- in the form of motorcycles and minor haj (pilgrimages) to Mecca, Saudi Arabia -- partly contributed to the increases in their popularity, Isra added.
East Java, the stronghold of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, will hold its first direct gubernatorial election Wednesday, featuring the five pairs of candidates.
Three of the candidates -- Khofifah, Saefullah and Ali Maschan -- are activists and/or former executives of NU.
Khofifah is favored to win by NU members across the province, as she has political support from leaders of the organization's central board.
She is also backed by Muslimat NU, the women's wing of NU, which she led.
A number of senior ulema from NU issued tausiyah (an advisory) in support of the Soekarwo-Saefullah ticket.
"We support one pair of candidates, based on our personal assessment, not on behalf of NU because NU is not allowed to get involved in politics," said Mas Subadar, spokesman for the senior ulema.
Signatories to the advisory included Idris Marzuki (from Kediri), Abdullah Faqih (from Langitan) and Sofya (from Situbondo). The latter two and Subadar were among the co-founders of the Ulema National Awakening Party (PKNU), which is led by Chairul Anam.
However, Anam has pledged his support to Khofifah.
Five gubernatorial candidate pairs contest East Java
ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya | Tue, 07/22/2008 10:14 AM | The Archipelago
The pairing of Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Mudjiono (KAJI)
Number: 1
Wealth: Rp 3.6 billion (Khofifah); Rp 4.1 billion (Mudjiono)
Party support: The United Development Party and 11 other minority parties
Born in Surabaya on May 19, 1965, Khofifah is the only female candidate in East Java's first direct gubernatorial election. She was women's empowerment minister during the Abdurrahman Wahid administration from 1999 to 2001 and is now a lawmaker with the National Awakening Party (PKB), representing the electoral district of Sidoarjo.
She is well-connected with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, and led its women's wing, Muslimat NU, between 2000 and 2001.
Her running mate Mudjiono is a retired Army colonel, former chief-of-staff of East Java's Brawijaya military command and graduated from the Military Academy in 1975. He was born in Yogyakarta on April 10, 1951.
Khofifah and Mudjiono, known as KAJI, consider modern technology as their main platform for the potential development of East Java, if they win the election. Through technological development, the people of East Java, mostly farmers, would be able to maximize their efforts to improve their livlihoods and well-being.
They have also promised to streamline bureaucracy to prepare the way for investment into the province, which has more than 32 million people.
KAJI says a strong leader is needed to guide the country's second most populated province and strengthen the economy, including the rebuilding of infrastructure and improvement of public services.
They support developing professional schools up to international standards to improve the quality of human resources in East Java.
The pairing of Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam (SR)
Number: 2
Wealth: Rp 7.99 billion (Sutjipto); Rp 15.1 billion (Ridwan)
Party support: The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)
Soetjipto, born in Trenggalek, East Java, on Aug. 13, 1945, is a former secretary-general of PDI-P and a senior lawmaker with the party, led by former president Megawati Soekarnoputri.
His running mate Ridwan is a businessman and politician from the Golkar Party. Born on May 26, 1958, he is the richest candidate and deputy chairman of East Java's Golkar Party.
This pair, calling themselves SR (Sutjipto and Ridwan), created a popular slogan -- "for a healthy, just and prosperous East Java", during the 14-day election campaign that ended Saturday.
Sutjipto is blaming the high rates of poverty and illiteracy, as well as slow economic growth, on the mismanagement of the East Java administration.
Low-cost education for local people is part of the program offered by Sutjipto. After prioritizing improvement in human resources quality, a further step will be to improve health services for the poor by providing free medication through mobile community health centers.
The next focus for the Sutjipto-Ridwan pair is to change the working culture of the East Java administration to ensure fast, low-cost, easily accessible and good quality public services. Their aim in achieving this goal is to improve welfare for the people.
The pairing of Soenarjo and Ali Maschan Moesa (SALAM)
Number: 3
Wealth: Rp 10.98 billion (Soenarjo); Rp 5.6 billion (Ali)
Party support: Golkar Party
Soenarjo, who was born in Blitar on Jan. 19, 1945, recently resigned as East Java deputy governor to run in the gubernatorial election. He leads Golkar at the provincial level.
A prominent puppeteer in East Java, Soenarjo has familiarized his planned programs as candidate through live performances on local TV. He is the second richest candidate after Ridwan Hisjam.
His running mate Ali Maschan Moesa is a lecturer at the Sunan Ampel Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) in Surabaya. He was dismissed as leader of East Java's Nahdlatul Ulama for breaching standing orders that ban executives from involvement in practical politics.
The pair of Soenarjo and Ali, known by their acronym as SALAM, is campaigning for a just and professional society in line with the special character of the people of East Java.
The candidates want to start their development programs by reforming the provincial administration and bureaucracy. Synergy and good communications between the government and the people are their key to successful development programs.
The pairing of Achmady and Soehartono (ACHSAN)
Number: 4
Wealth: Rp 4.2 billion (Ahmady); Rp 1.6 billion (Soehartono)
Party support: The National Awakening Party (PKB)
Achmady resigned recently as Mojokerto regent to contest the East Java election with the backing of the National Awakening Party (PKB), led by former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.
Born in Mojokerto on Nov. 8, 1950, Achmady is a senior activist with Nahdlatul Ulama and a graduate from the Sunan Ampel Institute of Islamic Studies in Surabaya and the Public Administration Academy.
He had one of the least prominent public profiles during the election campaign. His running mate Soehartono is a retired Army officer who graduated from the Military Academy in 1975. Born in Kertosono regency, he was once chief-of-staff of East Java's Brawijaya district military command.
With his wealth amounting to only Rp 1.6 billion Soehartono is the poorest among the candidates.
The pair, calling themselves ACHSAN, has a vision to make East Java a prosperous province by eliminating unemployment and poverty, and ensuring food security.
This ideal could be attained with the creation of more job opportunities for local people. They also want people living in forest areas involved in programs to improve their welfare.
With regard to health issues, the Achmady-Suhartono pair suggests that the East Java administration should insure poor people for medical services and upgrade the status of community health centers into small hospitals.
The pairing of Soekarwo and Saefullah Yusuf (KARSA)
Number: 5
Wealth: Rp 9.20 billion (Soekarwo); Rp 6.01 billion (Saefullah)
Party support: The National Mandate Party and the Democratic Party
Before declaring his bid for the gubernatorial election, Soekarwo was secretary of the East Java administration. His pairing with Saefullah, who leads Anshor, youth wing of the NU, contributed to his popularity ahead of the election. Born in Madiun regency on June 16, 1950, Soekarwo holds a doctoral degree from the law school at Diponegoro University in Semarang, Central Java.
He has popularized his nickname as Pakde (grandfather) Karwo and has promoted his charismatic image through soccer. No wonder he remains the most popular candidate based on the latest survey issued Sunday, thanks partly to his proposal to distribute free basic food commodities to the public.
Saefullah, born in Pasuruan regency on Aug. 28, 1964, is a young Nahdlatul Ulama politician with talented lobbying skills and a graduate from the social and political science department of National University, Jakarta. He joined the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle before switching to the National Awakening Party (PKB) as secretary-general. He later quit the PKB to join the United Development Party.
His highest political position was as state minister for disadvantaged regions from 2004 to 2007 during the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono administration. Saefullah left his ministerial post when he was replaced by Lukman Edy from the PKB as part of the latest Cabinet shake-up.
If elected in the gubernatorial race the pair of Soekarwo and Saefullah, as KARSA, promise to reform the bureaucracy and work with the private sector.
For them, a pro-people budget would show a real commitment to protecting the interests of poor people. They said the budget should support small and medium enterprises and rebuild rural roads to give local people better access to economic resources and markets.
The pair plan to establish modern, advanced and professional Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). According to Saefullah, who is close to senior NU clerics, some 1.2 million pesantren students in East Java need local administration support.
The pairing of Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Mudjiono (KAJI)
Number: 1
Wealth: Rp 3.6 billion (Khofifah); Rp 4.1 billion (Mudjiono)
Party support: The United Development Party and 11 other minority parties
Born in Surabaya on May 19, 1965, Khofifah is the only female candidate in East Java's first direct gubernatorial election. She was women's empowerment minister during the Abdurrahman Wahid administration from 1999 to 2001 and is now a lawmaker with the National Awakening Party (PKB), representing the electoral district of Sidoarjo.
She is well-connected with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, and led its women's wing, Muslimat NU, between 2000 and 2001.
Her running mate Mudjiono is a retired Army colonel, former chief-of-staff of East Java's Brawijaya military command and graduated from the Military Academy in 1975. He was born in Yogyakarta on April 10, 1951.
Khofifah and Mudjiono, known as KAJI, consider modern technology as their main platform for the potential development of East Java, if they win the election. Through technological development, the people of East Java, mostly farmers, would be able to maximize their efforts to improve their livlihoods and well-being.
They have also promised to streamline bureaucracy to prepare the way for investment into the province, which has more than 32 million people.
KAJI says a strong leader is needed to guide the country's second most populated province and strengthen the economy, including the rebuilding of infrastructure and improvement of public services.
They support developing professional schools up to international standards to improve the quality of human resources in East Java.
The pairing of Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam (SR)
Number: 2
Wealth: Rp 7.99 billion (Sutjipto); Rp 15.1 billion (Ridwan)
Party support: The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)
Soetjipto, born in Trenggalek, East Java, on Aug. 13, 1945, is a former secretary-general of PDI-P and a senior lawmaker with the party, led by former president Megawati Soekarnoputri.
His running mate Ridwan is a businessman and politician from the Golkar Party. Born on May 26, 1958, he is the richest candidate and deputy chairman of East Java's Golkar Party.
This pair, calling themselves SR (Sutjipto and Ridwan), created a popular slogan -- "for a healthy, just and prosperous East Java", during the 14-day election campaign that ended Saturday.
Sutjipto is blaming the high rates of poverty and illiteracy, as well as slow economic growth, on the mismanagement of the East Java administration.
Low-cost education for local people is part of the program offered by Sutjipto. After prioritizing improvement in human resources quality, a further step will be to improve health services for the poor by providing free medication through mobile community health centers.
The next focus for the Sutjipto-Ridwan pair is to change the working culture of the East Java administration to ensure fast, low-cost, easily accessible and good quality public services. Their aim in achieving this goal is to improve welfare for the people.
The pairing of Soenarjo and Ali Maschan Moesa (SALAM)
Number: 3
Wealth: Rp 10.98 billion (Soenarjo); Rp 5.6 billion (Ali)
Party support: Golkar Party
Soenarjo, who was born in Blitar on Jan. 19, 1945, recently resigned as East Java deputy governor to run in the gubernatorial election. He leads Golkar at the provincial level.
A prominent puppeteer in East Java, Soenarjo has familiarized his planned programs as candidate through live performances on local TV. He is the second richest candidate after Ridwan Hisjam.
His running mate Ali Maschan Moesa is a lecturer at the Sunan Ampel Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) in Surabaya. He was dismissed as leader of East Java's Nahdlatul Ulama for breaching standing orders that ban executives from involvement in practical politics.
The pair of Soenarjo and Ali, known by their acronym as SALAM, is campaigning for a just and professional society in line with the special character of the people of East Java.
The candidates want to start their development programs by reforming the provincial administration and bureaucracy. Synergy and good communications between the government and the people are their key to successful development programs.
The pairing of Achmady and Soehartono (ACHSAN)
Number: 4
Wealth: Rp 4.2 billion (Ahmady); Rp 1.6 billion (Soehartono)
Party support: The National Awakening Party (PKB)
Achmady resigned recently as Mojokerto regent to contest the East Java election with the backing of the National Awakening Party (PKB), led by former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.
Born in Mojokerto on Nov. 8, 1950, Achmady is a senior activist with Nahdlatul Ulama and a graduate from the Sunan Ampel Institute of Islamic Studies in Surabaya and the Public Administration Academy.
He had one of the least prominent public profiles during the election campaign. His running mate Soehartono is a retired Army officer who graduated from the Military Academy in 1975. Born in Kertosono regency, he was once chief-of-staff of East Java's Brawijaya district military command.
With his wealth amounting to only Rp 1.6 billion Soehartono is the poorest among the candidates.
The pair, calling themselves ACHSAN, has a vision to make East Java a prosperous province by eliminating unemployment and poverty, and ensuring food security.
This ideal could be attained with the creation of more job opportunities for local people. They also want people living in forest areas involved in programs to improve their welfare.
With regard to health issues, the Achmady-Suhartono pair suggests that the East Java administration should insure poor people for medical services and upgrade the status of community health centers into small hospitals.
The pairing of Soekarwo and Saefullah Yusuf (KARSA)
Number: 5
Wealth: Rp 9.20 billion (Soekarwo); Rp 6.01 billion (Saefullah)
Party support: The National Mandate Party and the Democratic Party
Before declaring his bid for the gubernatorial election, Soekarwo was secretary of the East Java administration. His pairing with Saefullah, who leads Anshor, youth wing of the NU, contributed to his popularity ahead of the election. Born in Madiun regency on June 16, 1950, Soekarwo holds a doctoral degree from the law school at Diponegoro University in Semarang, Central Java.
He has popularized his nickname as Pakde (grandfather) Karwo and has promoted his charismatic image through soccer. No wonder he remains the most popular candidate based on the latest survey issued Sunday, thanks partly to his proposal to distribute free basic food commodities to the public.
Saefullah, born in Pasuruan regency on Aug. 28, 1964, is a young Nahdlatul Ulama politician with talented lobbying skills and a graduate from the social and political science department of National University, Jakarta. He joined the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle before switching to the National Awakening Party (PKB) as secretary-general. He later quit the PKB to join the United Development Party.
His highest political position was as state minister for disadvantaged regions from 2004 to 2007 during the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono administration. Saefullah left his ministerial post when he was replaced by Lukman Edy from the PKB as part of the latest Cabinet shake-up.
If elected in the gubernatorial race the pair of Soekarwo and Saefullah, as KARSA, promise to reform the bureaucracy and work with the private sector.
For them, a pro-people budget would show a real commitment to protecting the interests of poor people. They said the budget should support small and medium enterprises and rebuild rural roads to give local people better access to economic resources and markets.
The pair plan to establish modern, advanced and professional Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). According to Saefullah, who is close to senior NU clerics, some 1.2 million pesantren students in East Java need local administration support.
Discourse: East Java clerics powerless in face of money politics
Wed, 07/23/2008 10:52 AM | Headlines
East Java to hold its first direct gubernatorial election Wednesday. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, is very involved in local politics in the province, its traditional stronghold. The fractured National Awakening Party (PKB), which NU founded in 1999, has apparently played a smaller role in the election. The Jakarta Post's Muhammad Nafik and ID Nugroho discussed this issue Monday with prominent political scientist Kacung Maridjan at Surabaya's Airlangga University.
KACUNG MARIDJAN: (JP/ID Nugroho) KACUNG MARIDJAN: (JP/ID Nugroho)
Question: There are four candidates from NU contesting the East Java election. How is NU politically involved in this election?
Answer: According to its principles, NU leaves political affairs to its followers, through political parties. Historically, when NU has gotten involved in politics, many of its socio-religious affairs have been neglected. Therefore, since 1984, NU has ceased its direct and indirect political activities. But in reality, NU cannot be separated from political matters because the organization has been involved in the dynamic political situation following the reform era.
When NU facilitated the establishment of PKB (the National Awakening Party) in 1999, it was almost trapped by direct involvement in politics. Since then, and until now, NU is still politically involved, even though it is not a political party.
Q:Then what does NU's khittah (its decision, made in 1984, to quit politics) mean for the organization?
A: The khittah only regulates religious affairs. It does not require NU to avoid politics. Regarding the issue of statehood, NU still plays a role.
The definition of statehood politics is very broad. Between 1988 and 1999, for example, NU was politically involved by establishing and facilitating the creation of PKB and determining the list of its legislative candidates.
Directly or indirectly, NU's political decisions have influenced its followers. In its actual political involvement, NU may not give direct support to candidates, but its decision can still influence its members' choices.
Q:In the East Java race, NU's political involvement is more prevalent than in other regional elections. Why?
A: Because the PKB is in turmoil and East Java is the country's NU stronghold. If NU was not involved in this gubernatorial election, it would appear unwise. The situation has prompted some NU leaders to try to involve the organization directly in the East Java election. When NU held a conference to elect a new local leader last November, there was an institutional agreement or contract that banned the elected chairman from becoming directly or indirectly involved in politics. Such a contract is unrealistic because it is impossible for NU not to be involved in politics, especially indirectly, given such dynamic political events. "Indirect" political involvement is very widely interpreted.
Q: NU embraces principles exhibited by noble political figures, but in fact we have seen its leaders and clerics involved in many cases of money politics during the election. Why?
A: It is actually worrisome. Two weeks ago, a discussion on contemporary Islamic jurisprudence was held in Malang (East Java), to focus on money politics during elections. The discussion concluded money politics is haram (forbidden under Islamic law).
The question is whether every person making a donation should be considered guilty of money politics. Just as with donations to pesantren (Islamic boarding schools), it is considered normal. It is impossible to ask donors to give a donation, as it is considered impolite.
I think it is urgent for NU to address this issue because, over the last two years, money politics has been prevalent in regional elections. Data from campaign teams show they spent much more on local elections in 2007 and 2008 than in 2005 and 2006. The reason is the increase in the number of people voting for candidates based on monetary gifts.
Q: So, ulema have not been able to stop money politics?
A: I think so. They have even become part of the practice. It's sad -- especially since the recent discussion in Malang forbade money politics as haram. Maybe the results of the discussion have not yet been made public to other Muslim clerics. It should have been an issue in the media. I don't see any media outlet that has publicized this issue.
As a result, our public figures are powerless to face the reality of money politics. They don't make efforts to curb it, and are often seen involved in it. It is extremely worrisome because the future of our democracy will be very costly, and very sordid.
Q: Could you cite the most obvious cases of money politics during the East Java election?
A: As I said the recent donation, from the gubernatorial candidate Khofifah Indar Parawansyah, of Rp 1 billion for NU's East Java office is just one, small example.
Q: NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi is backing Khofifah in the election. Do you have a comment?
A: Initially, Pak Hasyim supported the nomination of Ali Maschan Moesa for governor. But he dropped his support after Pak Ali refused to step down as East Java's NU chairman. Then, he switched his support to Khofifah, which was not the case before.
Q: Why Khofifah?
A: Because Hasyim and other NU figures wanted to find an alternative candidate. She is relatively clean and has a widespread network, down to NU's village branches, because she is now the chairperson of Muslimat NU, the organization's youth wing.
In a further development, support for Khofifah has suddenly increased. This cannot be separated from the extraordinary amount of money she has spent to make her bid successful.
East Java to hold its first direct gubernatorial election Wednesday. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, is very involved in local politics in the province, its traditional stronghold. The fractured National Awakening Party (PKB), which NU founded in 1999, has apparently played a smaller role in the election. The Jakarta Post's Muhammad Nafik and ID Nugroho discussed this issue Monday with prominent political scientist Kacung Maridjan at Surabaya's Airlangga University.
KACUNG MARIDJAN: (JP/ID Nugroho) KACUNG MARIDJAN: (JP/ID Nugroho)
Question: There are four candidates from NU contesting the East Java election. How is NU politically involved in this election?
Answer: According to its principles, NU leaves political affairs to its followers, through political parties. Historically, when NU has gotten involved in politics, many of its socio-religious affairs have been neglected. Therefore, since 1984, NU has ceased its direct and indirect political activities. But in reality, NU cannot be separated from political matters because the organization has been involved in the dynamic political situation following the reform era.
When NU facilitated the establishment of PKB (the National Awakening Party) in 1999, it was almost trapped by direct involvement in politics. Since then, and until now, NU is still politically involved, even though it is not a political party.
Q:Then what does NU's khittah (its decision, made in 1984, to quit politics) mean for the organization?
A: The khittah only regulates religious affairs. It does not require NU to avoid politics. Regarding the issue of statehood, NU still plays a role.
The definition of statehood politics is very broad. Between 1988 and 1999, for example, NU was politically involved by establishing and facilitating the creation of PKB and determining the list of its legislative candidates.
Directly or indirectly, NU's political decisions have influenced its followers. In its actual political involvement, NU may not give direct support to candidates, but its decision can still influence its members' choices.
Q:In the East Java race, NU's political involvement is more prevalent than in other regional elections. Why?
A: Because the PKB is in turmoil and East Java is the country's NU stronghold. If NU was not involved in this gubernatorial election, it would appear unwise. The situation has prompted some NU leaders to try to involve the organization directly in the East Java election. When NU held a conference to elect a new local leader last November, there was an institutional agreement or contract that banned the elected chairman from becoming directly or indirectly involved in politics. Such a contract is unrealistic because it is impossible for NU not to be involved in politics, especially indirectly, given such dynamic political events. "Indirect" political involvement is very widely interpreted.
Q: NU embraces principles exhibited by noble political figures, but in fact we have seen its leaders and clerics involved in many cases of money politics during the election. Why?
A: It is actually worrisome. Two weeks ago, a discussion on contemporary Islamic jurisprudence was held in Malang (East Java), to focus on money politics during elections. The discussion concluded money politics is haram (forbidden under Islamic law).
The question is whether every person making a donation should be considered guilty of money politics. Just as with donations to pesantren (Islamic boarding schools), it is considered normal. It is impossible to ask donors to give a donation, as it is considered impolite.
I think it is urgent for NU to address this issue because, over the last two years, money politics has been prevalent in regional elections. Data from campaign teams show they spent much more on local elections in 2007 and 2008 than in 2005 and 2006. The reason is the increase in the number of people voting for candidates based on monetary gifts.
Q: So, ulema have not been able to stop money politics?
A: I think so. They have even become part of the practice. It's sad -- especially since the recent discussion in Malang forbade money politics as haram. Maybe the results of the discussion have not yet been made public to other Muslim clerics. It should have been an issue in the media. I don't see any media outlet that has publicized this issue.
As a result, our public figures are powerless to face the reality of money politics. They don't make efforts to curb it, and are often seen involved in it. It is extremely worrisome because the future of our democracy will be very costly, and very sordid.
Q: Could you cite the most obvious cases of money politics during the East Java election?
A: As I said the recent donation, from the gubernatorial candidate Khofifah Indar Parawansyah, of Rp 1 billion for NU's East Java office is just one, small example.
Q: NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi is backing Khofifah in the election. Do you have a comment?
A: Initially, Pak Hasyim supported the nomination of Ali Maschan Moesa for governor. But he dropped his support after Pak Ali refused to step down as East Java's NU chairman. Then, he switched his support to Khofifah, which was not the case before.
Q: Why Khofifah?
A: Because Hasyim and other NU figures wanted to find an alternative candidate. She is relatively clean and has a widespread network, down to NU's village branches, because she is now the chairperson of Muslimat NU, the organization's youth wing.
In a further development, support for Khofifah has suddenly increased. This cannot be separated from the extraordinary amount of money she has spent to make her bid successful.
Soekarwo may face Khofifah in second round of East Java poll
Muhammad Nafik, ID Nugroho and Indra Harsaputra , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya | Thu, 07/24/2008 10:40 AM | Headlines
The tight East Java gubernatorial race looks set to go to the second round after none of the five pairs of candidates managed to secure more than 30 percent of the vote, the threshold required by the 2008 regional administration law.
The quick count results indicate the pair of Soekarwo and Saefullah Yusuf will face their strongest opponents Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Mudjiono in the second round of the election.
Soekarwo won the first round with 26.58 percent of the vote and Khofifah came second with 24.85 percent, according to a quick count conducted by the Indonesian Survey Circle.
A similar quick count undertaken by the Indonesian Survey Institute also put Soekarwo-Saefullah in first place with 26.95 percent of the vote, with Khofifah as runner up with 25.40 percent.
A quick count by the research and development department of daily newspaper, Kompas, had less of a gap between the two teams, giving Soekarwo 25.51 percent of the vote, and the pair of Khofifah and Mudjiono 25.36 percent.
In third and fourth places were Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam with around 25 percent and Soenarjo and Ali Maschan Moesa with around 19 percent.
The least popular candidates were Achmady and Soehartono, who won less than 8 percent of the vote.
Under the law, a second round must be held 60 days after the first round if none of the candidates gets 30 percent of the vote or more.
The official results of the tally will be made public on Aug. 3.
The quick count results also showed about 60 percent of the more than 29 million eligible voters turned out to vote.
The three pollsters each said they counted the votes from samples taken from about 400 of the 62,015 polling booths across East Java.
East Java is the stronghold of both the fractured National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The distribution of the vote showed that parties and leaders were not a key issue in the local direct election, political analysts said.
They added the split in the PKB and the lack of solid support from Nahdlatul Ulama, the nation's biggest Muslim organization, benefited both Soekarwo and his strongest rival Khofifah in the race.
Indonesian Survey Circle research director Eka Kusmayadi said the two rival candidates managed to capitalize on the internal conflict in the PKB.
"Aside from that, Khofifah also benefited from the gender issue that meant most women voted for her," he told The Jakarta Post.
But Eka said the election outcome could change in the revote as Khofifah and Soekarwo were "not dominant figures" in East Java.
Adam Kamil of the Indonesian Survey Institute said an election runoff between Soekarwo and Khofifah had something to do with the funds the two contenders spent on their campaigns.
Khofifah won the most votes in north coastal part of the province, which is among the PDI-P's strongholds, Adam said.
Overall, the gubernatorial election ran smoothly and peacefully around the province despite minor election violations, East Java election supervisory committee chairman Sri Sugeng said.
He said the violations included the vote counting being held in several polling booths in Madura before the scheduled time of 1 p.m.
East Java Police chief Insp. Gen. Herman S. Sumawiredja said the election took place without any "extraordinary incidents".
In some electoral districts considered to be prone to security disturbances, such as Madura, Malang and Lumajang, the election was also peaceful, he added.
Residents of those three districts also voted for new regional heads on the same day as the gubernatorial election.
The tight East Java gubernatorial race looks set to go to the second round after none of the five pairs of candidates managed to secure more than 30 percent of the vote, the threshold required by the 2008 regional administration law.
The quick count results indicate the pair of Soekarwo and Saefullah Yusuf will face their strongest opponents Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Mudjiono in the second round of the election.
Soekarwo won the first round with 26.58 percent of the vote and Khofifah came second with 24.85 percent, according to a quick count conducted by the Indonesian Survey Circle.
A similar quick count undertaken by the Indonesian Survey Institute also put Soekarwo-Saefullah in first place with 26.95 percent of the vote, with Khofifah as runner up with 25.40 percent.
A quick count by the research and development department of daily newspaper, Kompas, had less of a gap between the two teams, giving Soekarwo 25.51 percent of the vote, and the pair of Khofifah and Mudjiono 25.36 percent.
In third and fourth places were Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam with around 25 percent and Soenarjo and Ali Maschan Moesa with around 19 percent.
The least popular candidates were Achmady and Soehartono, who won less than 8 percent of the vote.
Under the law, a second round must be held 60 days after the first round if none of the candidates gets 30 percent of the vote or more.
The official results of the tally will be made public on Aug. 3.
The quick count results also showed about 60 percent of the more than 29 million eligible voters turned out to vote.
The three pollsters each said they counted the votes from samples taken from about 400 of the 62,015 polling booths across East Java.
East Java is the stronghold of both the fractured National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The distribution of the vote showed that parties and leaders were not a key issue in the local direct election, political analysts said.
They added the split in the PKB and the lack of solid support from Nahdlatul Ulama, the nation's biggest Muslim organization, benefited both Soekarwo and his strongest rival Khofifah in the race.
Indonesian Survey Circle research director Eka Kusmayadi said the two rival candidates managed to capitalize on the internal conflict in the PKB.
"Aside from that, Khofifah also benefited from the gender issue that meant most women voted for her," he told The Jakarta Post.
But Eka said the election outcome could change in the revote as Khofifah and Soekarwo were "not dominant figures" in East Java.
Adam Kamil of the Indonesian Survey Institute said an election runoff between Soekarwo and Khofifah had something to do with the funds the two contenders spent on their campaigns.
Khofifah won the most votes in north coastal part of the province, which is among the PDI-P's strongholds, Adam said.
Overall, the gubernatorial election ran smoothly and peacefully around the province despite minor election violations, East Java election supervisory committee chairman Sri Sugeng said.
He said the violations included the vote counting being held in several polling booths in Madura before the scheduled time of 1 p.m.
East Java Police chief Insp. Gen. Herman S. Sumawiredja said the election took place without any "extraordinary incidents".
In some electoral districts considered to be prone to security disturbances, such as Madura, Malang and Lumajang, the election was also peaceful, he added.
Residents of those three districts also voted for new regional heads on the same day as the gubernatorial election.
Saekan: Piping a way to green progress
ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Madiun, East Java | Tue, 07/22/2008 10:15 AM | People
Saekan made a simple decision 36 years ago that has since changed the lives of the people in his village -- he decided to plant pucung trees around the Sanggar spring.
Now, thanks to that simple move, several springs that usually dry up during the dry season continue to produce water, and the millions of liters of water needed by the village community are now available.
Back in 1972, Padas village in Dangangan subdistrict, Madiun Regency, East Java, was a dry community with little water.
"There wasn't enough water, not even for drinking. When I first came here to live (after marrying), just getting water for a bath was difficult," Saekan told The Jakarta Post.
Not having a bath for five days was the norm back in those days, the 60-year-old said.
For many years the community met its water needs by taking water from a spring located 1 kilometer away, at the base of a ravine.
But Saekan refused to accept they had to live like that.
"I thought, 'How can people live in conditions like this? What would be the future of their children?'" he said.
Motivated by these concerns, Saekan planted pucung trees and aren (sugar palms) around the Sanggar spring -- the nearest natural spring that the community depended upon at the time.
The pucung tree, which produces kluwek (a black spice used in rawon, or beef stew) appears to have been a good choice. Apart from being a fast grower, the pucung tree's many roots are long and absorb large quantities of water, and the tree is safe from predators.
"The leaves of this tree won't be eaten by livestock because animals don't want them," Saekan said.
While waiting for the trees to grow, Saekan decided to move back to Ngrengat village, around 2 kilometers from Padas. Ten years later, in 1982, Saekan brought his family -- wife Tarmi and first son Hartono -- back to live in Padas.
Saekan saw there had been a change in the characteristics of the spring.
"There was much more water," he said.
Using his own money, Saekan made a temporary well where he could collect and hold water around the spring. He also used bamboo piping to make a channel to run the 1 kilometer from the spring to his home.
"I split the bamboo into two, and I supported it using tree branches to channel the water to my house," he said.
But although the bamboo was cheap and strong, Saekan felt it was too complicated a system to maintain. Leaves falling in the forest often blocked the bamboo channel, stopping the water from flowing. So he purchased lengths of plastic pipe.
"A long time ago, one 10-meter roll cost Rp 10,000 (US$1). I could only afford to buy 10 rolls to replace some of the bamboo channels," he said.
The quantity of water collected increased significantly, meaning Saekan's neighbors could also use the water he channeled to his home.
Although it was a simple system, it helped the residents of the village, who previously had to seek water far away.
But Saekan did not stop there.
He established a group called the Agromulyo Farmers' Group. By collecting contributions of Rp 1,000 (10 US cents) from each member, the group developed a village bank system, which later helped them buy some livestock.
The Agromulyo Farmers' Group also worked to recover the Bendo spring, located 4 kilometers from Saekan's house.
Together with the Agromulyo Farmers' Group, Saekan built a catchment to collect and hold the water at the Bendo spring. The group also planted trees around the spring with the aim of multiplying the amount of water.
Now the Padas village community depends on the two springs. The Sanggar spring, which initially could meet the needs of only three families, was developed to become a source of clean water for 13 families. After the Bendo spring was developed, it was able to supply seven families, and later 50 families.
"According to some residents, the water supply to their homes never runs out, even in the dry season," Saekan said.
Saekan's efforts in planting the area with trees to help increase the amount of water at the springs had personal rewards for him as well -- he was presented with a Kalpataru Award by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Saekan and the Argomulyo Farmers' Group were seen as rescuers of the environment, and were judged as successful in rescuing the soil and water in Padas and its surroundings.
Saekan said the Kalpataru award had made no difference to the conditions in Padas.
"There are still many facilities that need to be built, it's not just a matter of having water."
Padas has only two elementary schools. The nearest junior high school, which is in Segulung village, is 2 kilometers from the village and the nearest high school is even further away.
"There is a high school in Dagangan subdistrict, which is around 10 kilometers away. Because of this, many of our young people don't continue their education," he said.
Saekan made a simple decision 36 years ago that has since changed the lives of the people in his village -- he decided to plant pucung trees around the Sanggar spring.
Now, thanks to that simple move, several springs that usually dry up during the dry season continue to produce water, and the millions of liters of water needed by the village community are now available.
Back in 1972, Padas village in Dangangan subdistrict, Madiun Regency, East Java, was a dry community with little water.
"There wasn't enough water, not even for drinking. When I first came here to live (after marrying), just getting water for a bath was difficult," Saekan told The Jakarta Post.
Not having a bath for five days was the norm back in those days, the 60-year-old said.
For many years the community met its water needs by taking water from a spring located 1 kilometer away, at the base of a ravine.
But Saekan refused to accept they had to live like that.
"I thought, 'How can people live in conditions like this? What would be the future of their children?'" he said.
Motivated by these concerns, Saekan planted pucung trees and aren (sugar palms) around the Sanggar spring -- the nearest natural spring that the community depended upon at the time.
The pucung tree, which produces kluwek (a black spice used in rawon, or beef stew) appears to have been a good choice. Apart from being a fast grower, the pucung tree's many roots are long and absorb large quantities of water, and the tree is safe from predators.
"The leaves of this tree won't be eaten by livestock because animals don't want them," Saekan said.
While waiting for the trees to grow, Saekan decided to move back to Ngrengat village, around 2 kilometers from Padas. Ten years later, in 1982, Saekan brought his family -- wife Tarmi and first son Hartono -- back to live in Padas.
Saekan saw there had been a change in the characteristics of the spring.
"There was much more water," he said.
Using his own money, Saekan made a temporary well where he could collect and hold water around the spring. He also used bamboo piping to make a channel to run the 1 kilometer from the spring to his home.
"I split the bamboo into two, and I supported it using tree branches to channel the water to my house," he said.
But although the bamboo was cheap and strong, Saekan felt it was too complicated a system to maintain. Leaves falling in the forest often blocked the bamboo channel, stopping the water from flowing. So he purchased lengths of plastic pipe.
"A long time ago, one 10-meter roll cost Rp 10,000 (US$1). I could only afford to buy 10 rolls to replace some of the bamboo channels," he said.
The quantity of water collected increased significantly, meaning Saekan's neighbors could also use the water he channeled to his home.
Although it was a simple system, it helped the residents of the village, who previously had to seek water far away.
But Saekan did not stop there.
He established a group called the Agromulyo Farmers' Group. By collecting contributions of Rp 1,000 (10 US cents) from each member, the group developed a village bank system, which later helped them buy some livestock.
The Agromulyo Farmers' Group also worked to recover the Bendo spring, located 4 kilometers from Saekan's house.
Together with the Agromulyo Farmers' Group, Saekan built a catchment to collect and hold the water at the Bendo spring. The group also planted trees around the spring with the aim of multiplying the amount of water.
Now the Padas village community depends on the two springs. The Sanggar spring, which initially could meet the needs of only three families, was developed to become a source of clean water for 13 families. After the Bendo spring was developed, it was able to supply seven families, and later 50 families.
"According to some residents, the water supply to their homes never runs out, even in the dry season," Saekan said.
Saekan's efforts in planting the area with trees to help increase the amount of water at the springs had personal rewards for him as well -- he was presented with a Kalpataru Award by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Saekan and the Argomulyo Farmers' Group were seen as rescuers of the environment, and were judged as successful in rescuing the soil and water in Padas and its surroundings.
Saekan said the Kalpataru award had made no difference to the conditions in Padas.
"There are still many facilities that need to be built, it's not just a matter of having water."
Padas has only two elementary schools. The nearest junior high school, which is in Segulung village, is 2 kilometers from the village and the nearest high school is even further away.
"There is a high school in Dagangan subdistrict, which is around 10 kilometers away. Because of this, many of our young people don't continue their education," he said.
Friday, July 11, 2008
Indonesian Military says can't rely on local arms
ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya | Sat, 07/12/2008 11:41 AM | National
The national defense industry remains unable to meet the demand of the Indonesian Military (TNI) for quality weaponry at competitive prices and quick delivery times.
During a quarterly forum on military weaponry here Friday, the TNI said the national defense industry needed to improve its products to meet military standards.
"We must improve ourselves and not be easily tempted by offers from the West. We only need their technology," the assistant to the TNI chief for planning, Rear Adm. Amirullah Amin, said.
With 20 percent of TNI weaponry having been operational for 30 years or longer, the country's defense system is feared to lack capability to keep territorial integrity intact.
A series of accidents involving old war machines since December last year prompted President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to order the TNI to withdraw all aging military equipment.
Also attending the trimonthly forum were Defense Ministry secretary-general Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsuddin, logistics officials from the Navy, Air Force and Army, directors from state defense companies PT Pindad, PT Dirgantara Indonesia (DI), PT PAL and PT Dahana, and representatives from the Finance Ministry, State Ministry for State Enterprises and the National Development Planning Board.
During the meeting, the Air Force said state aircraft manufacturer PT DI was unable to produce aircraft that met its demanded specifications; the Navy complained said PT PAL was unable to produce much-needed submarines; and the Army questioned why PT Pindad remained unable to produce cannons.
State enterprises ministry secretary Muhammad Said Didu attributed the inability of the state enterprises to meet the TNI's demands to the "unhealthy" condition of the companies.
He suggested the government set up a holding company focused on the military industry.
According to data from the National Development Planning Board, the government plans to inject US$200 million in fresh investment into PT Pindad and PT DI for weaponry production projects, such as tanks and military aircraft.
The government will also allocate up to $3 billion for arms purchases through 2010.
"The government will provide domestic lending to the armed forces to modernize its weaponry. A regulation on this will be signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono soon," said Eril Herliyanto, an official with the Directorate General for Defense Planning at the Defense Ministry.
He said the government had emphasized the domestic production of arms to end the country's dependency on foreign arms suppliers.
The national defense industry remains unable to meet the demand of the Indonesian Military (TNI) for quality weaponry at competitive prices and quick delivery times.
During a quarterly forum on military weaponry here Friday, the TNI said the national defense industry needed to improve its products to meet military standards.
"We must improve ourselves and not be easily tempted by offers from the West. We only need their technology," the assistant to the TNI chief for planning, Rear Adm. Amirullah Amin, said.
With 20 percent of TNI weaponry having been operational for 30 years or longer, the country's defense system is feared to lack capability to keep territorial integrity intact.
A series of accidents involving old war machines since December last year prompted President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to order the TNI to withdraw all aging military equipment.
Also attending the trimonthly forum were Defense Ministry secretary-general Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsuddin, logistics officials from the Navy, Air Force and Army, directors from state defense companies PT Pindad, PT Dirgantara Indonesia (DI), PT PAL and PT Dahana, and representatives from the Finance Ministry, State Ministry for State Enterprises and the National Development Planning Board.
During the meeting, the Air Force said state aircraft manufacturer PT DI was unable to produce aircraft that met its demanded specifications; the Navy complained said PT PAL was unable to produce much-needed submarines; and the Army questioned why PT Pindad remained unable to produce cannons.
State enterprises ministry secretary Muhammad Said Didu attributed the inability of the state enterprises to meet the TNI's demands to the "unhealthy" condition of the companies.
He suggested the government set up a holding company focused on the military industry.
According to data from the National Development Planning Board, the government plans to inject US$200 million in fresh investment into PT Pindad and PT DI for weaponry production projects, such as tanks and military aircraft.
The government will also allocate up to $3 billion for arms purchases through 2010.
"The government will provide domestic lending to the armed forces to modernize its weaponry. A regulation on this will be signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono soon," said Eril Herliyanto, an official with the Directorate General for Defense Planning at the Defense Ministry.
He said the government had emphasized the domestic production of arms to end the country's dependency on foreign arms suppliers.
Sunday, July 06, 2008
Violations mar first day of campaigning
ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya, East Java | Mon, 07/07/2008 10:31 AM | The Archipelago
Campaigning for the East Java gubernatorial election kicked off on Sunday, and has been marred by numerous campaign violations, including lack of transparency, overlapping campaign zones and undisclosed donations.
Sri Sugeng Prijatmoko, head of the provincial General Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu), blamed the violations on the regional General Elections Commission (KPUD).
He said the KPUD had botched up campaign regulations such that certain mandates of the general election regulations could not be fully implemented.
One example, he said, was the overlap in campaigning in Zone A in Tulungagung by rival candidates Kofifah Indar Parawansa, backed by the United Development Party, and Soenarjo, backed by the Golkar Party.
Soenarjo and his running mate Ali Maschan Moesa were scheduled to campaign in Zone B in Tuban on Sunday, but ended up campaigning in Zone A, which had been allocated to Kofifah and his running mate Mudjiono.
The three other candidates, however, managed to hold their campaign activities in their respective areas. The National Awakening Party's Achmady and his running mate Soehartono met with mudflow victims in Zone E in Sidoarjo.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's Sutjipto and his running mate Ridwan Hisjam campaigned in Zone C in Banyuwangi, while the National Mandate Party's Sukarwo and his running mate Syaifullah Yusuf campaigned in Zone D in Pamekasan, Madura.
Sri Sugeng said Soenarjo violated existing regulations, which bound candidates to their respective zones to prevent clashes among rival supporters.
"Soenarjo and Ali Maschan were clearly outside their allocated zone," Sri Sugeng said.
In addition to this overlap, Panwaslu also questioned the absence of disclosure of vision and mission at a plenary session at the provincial legislature.
"This is one of the mandates of the general elections regulations and government regulations, but even the KPUD flaunts it. Why?" he said.
He added the third violation was the lack of disclosure by the candidates on their campaign donations, which they were supposed to submit two days before campaigning began.
"It's to allow us to track where campaign funds come from, to prevent any irregularities," he said.
On the overlapping campaigns, KPUD chairman Arief Budiman said his commission tolerated any activities which did not involve large number of supporters. He said gatherings with limited attendance were permissible.
With regard to the absence of the disclosure of vision and mission, he explained it was because the legislature did not normally meet on Sundays.
"We respect the councilors. The disclosure will be made on Monday," he said.
However, he refused to comment on the issue of campaign donations.
Campaigning for the East Java gubernatorial election kicked off on Sunday, and has been marred by numerous campaign violations, including lack of transparency, overlapping campaign zones and undisclosed donations.
Sri Sugeng Prijatmoko, head of the provincial General Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu), blamed the violations on the regional General Elections Commission (KPUD).
He said the KPUD had botched up campaign regulations such that certain mandates of the general election regulations could not be fully implemented.
One example, he said, was the overlap in campaigning in Zone A in Tulungagung by rival candidates Kofifah Indar Parawansa, backed by the United Development Party, and Soenarjo, backed by the Golkar Party.
Soenarjo and his running mate Ali Maschan Moesa were scheduled to campaign in Zone B in Tuban on Sunday, but ended up campaigning in Zone A, which had been allocated to Kofifah and his running mate Mudjiono.
The three other candidates, however, managed to hold their campaign activities in their respective areas. The National Awakening Party's Achmady and his running mate Soehartono met with mudflow victims in Zone E in Sidoarjo.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's Sutjipto and his running mate Ridwan Hisjam campaigned in Zone C in Banyuwangi, while the National Mandate Party's Sukarwo and his running mate Syaifullah Yusuf campaigned in Zone D in Pamekasan, Madura.
Sri Sugeng said Soenarjo violated existing regulations, which bound candidates to their respective zones to prevent clashes among rival supporters.
"Soenarjo and Ali Maschan were clearly outside their allocated zone," Sri Sugeng said.
In addition to this overlap, Panwaslu also questioned the absence of disclosure of vision and mission at a plenary session at the provincial legislature.
"This is one of the mandates of the general elections regulations and government regulations, but even the KPUD flaunts it. Why?" he said.
He added the third violation was the lack of disclosure by the candidates on their campaign donations, which they were supposed to submit two days before campaigning began.
"It's to allow us to track where campaign funds come from, to prevent any irregularities," he said.
On the overlapping campaigns, KPUD chairman Arief Budiman said his commission tolerated any activities which did not involve large number of supporters. He said gatherings with limited attendance were permissible.
With regard to the absence of the disclosure of vision and mission, he explained it was because the legislature did not normally meet on Sundays.
"We respect the councilors. The disclosure will be made on Monday," he said.
However, he refused to comment on the issue of campaign donations.
Keeping traditions alive with 'Pranatacara'
ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Trenggalek, East Java | Fri, 07/04/2008 11:08 AM | Java Brew
There are many ways to keeps traditions. One way is to learn about pranatacara, master of ceremony in Javanese culture.
Across Java, however, there is only one school, SMA 2 Trenggalek senior high school, which has gone the extra mile to include it as an extracurricular activities.
The move has helped make the students proud of using Javanese language.
"Suwah rep data pitana hananging pundita sasana rinengga engkang dinten menika kagirangaken minangka papan mugih arjosuta."
The strange sentence came from Nuraini, a student at the school. This sentence was commonly said by Javanese master ceremonies to welcome people attending an event, wishing them for prosperity.
Unlike other Javanese words, Nuraini's words are not common. "We call it kromo inggil, the highest level of Javanese language," he explained.
Such a high level of Javanese language is usually used by the highest level within Javanese society, such the nobility or members of Yogyakarta palace.
Then why do young people like Nuraini, who do not belong to a nobility, use it?
Nuraini uses the language because he loves it, he said.
"I have learned about it from my school's extracurricular program, called pranatacara. I found it to be as an interesting language," he said.
Pranatacara is the Javanese term for master of ceremony activities. It is common for Javanese to use pranatacara service during Javanese-themed events, such as wedding ceremonies.
Unfortunately, not many Javanese understand pranatacara because many Javanese now opt for more modern, simple wedding ceremonies.
Slowly, pranatacara, which is also part of Javanese culture, started to diminish.
In a hope to bring the profession back to life, the school's principal Sugeng Winarno, came up with the idea to include pranatacara among the school's extracurricular activities.
He said that he has even invited the Indonesian Brotherhood of Culture People (Permadani) from Yogyakarta to come and teach their students about pranatacara.
Starting in September last year, pranatacara was taught every Sunday to 80 students and 10 teachers.
They were taught about renggeping wicoro (how to speaks), kapranacaran (how to manage a ceremony), toto kromo (a set of Javanese rules usually applying to nobles), siker setanan, padhuwungan (knowledge of Javanese language), ngadat toto coro Jowo (learning about Javanese cultures) and many more.
"Actually, pranatacara is not a new thing for us, only that we almost never use it anymore. That's why we often laugh when Permadani teaches us for a first time," Sugeng said .
Learning to speak kromo inggil and Javanese literature are the most difficult things about pranatacara. Students must memorize these and practice in front of their class.
Nuraini is the best pranatacara student, getting the highest score on the pranatacara test.
"Well, I don't know why, but maybe because I'm so very interested in the subject that it's easy for me," Nuraini said.
Javanese language is not new things for him as he uses it regularly in daily conversation.
"I'm not an expert but I usually use it at home, especially with my family," he said.
Sadly, being the best at pranatacara has put him in an awkward situation. His friends often used Javanese for a joke.
Many of Nuraini's friends are more interested in modern Indonesian and slang.
"Not like me, my friends prefer to use Jakartans ways of talking and make a joke of kromo inggil. But honestly, I don't care about it," he said.
Another student, Febri Yogawati, said learning pranatacara helped her appreciate Javanese as a deep and meaningful language.
"When I was learning about Javanese literature, I found many meaningful philosophies inside," said Febri, who plans to learn more about Javanese literature in college after graduating from senior high school.
She said it's important for students to learn more about local culture as it helps them gain a greater understanding of local wisdom.
"It's very useful. It helps us to get deeper understanding of life."
There are many ways to keeps traditions. One way is to learn about pranatacara, master of ceremony in Javanese culture.
Across Java, however, there is only one school, SMA 2 Trenggalek senior high school, which has gone the extra mile to include it as an extracurricular activities.
The move has helped make the students proud of using Javanese language.
"Suwah rep data pitana hananging pundita sasana rinengga engkang dinten menika kagirangaken minangka papan mugih arjosuta."
The strange sentence came from Nuraini, a student at the school. This sentence was commonly said by Javanese master ceremonies to welcome people attending an event, wishing them for prosperity.
Unlike other Javanese words, Nuraini's words are not common. "We call it kromo inggil, the highest level of Javanese language," he explained.
Such a high level of Javanese language is usually used by the highest level within Javanese society, such the nobility or members of Yogyakarta palace.
Then why do young people like Nuraini, who do not belong to a nobility, use it?
Nuraini uses the language because he loves it, he said.
"I have learned about it from my school's extracurricular program, called pranatacara. I found it to be as an interesting language," he said.
Pranatacara is the Javanese term for master of ceremony activities. It is common for Javanese to use pranatacara service during Javanese-themed events, such as wedding ceremonies.
Unfortunately, not many Javanese understand pranatacara because many Javanese now opt for more modern, simple wedding ceremonies.
Slowly, pranatacara, which is also part of Javanese culture, started to diminish.
In a hope to bring the profession back to life, the school's principal Sugeng Winarno, came up with the idea to include pranatacara among the school's extracurricular activities.
He said that he has even invited the Indonesian Brotherhood of Culture People (Permadani) from Yogyakarta to come and teach their students about pranatacara.
Starting in September last year, pranatacara was taught every Sunday to 80 students and 10 teachers.
They were taught about renggeping wicoro (how to speaks), kapranacaran (how to manage a ceremony), toto kromo (a set of Javanese rules usually applying to nobles), siker setanan, padhuwungan (knowledge of Javanese language), ngadat toto coro Jowo (learning about Javanese cultures) and many more.
"Actually, pranatacara is not a new thing for us, only that we almost never use it anymore. That's why we often laugh when Permadani teaches us for a first time," Sugeng said .
Learning to speak kromo inggil and Javanese literature are the most difficult things about pranatacara. Students must memorize these and practice in front of their class.
Nuraini is the best pranatacara student, getting the highest score on the pranatacara test.
"Well, I don't know why, but maybe because I'm so very interested in the subject that it's easy for me," Nuraini said.
Javanese language is not new things for him as he uses it regularly in daily conversation.
"I'm not an expert but I usually use it at home, especially with my family," he said.
Sadly, being the best at pranatacara has put him in an awkward situation. His friends often used Javanese for a joke.
Many of Nuraini's friends are more interested in modern Indonesian and slang.
"Not like me, my friends prefer to use Jakartans ways of talking and make a joke of kromo inggil. But honestly, I don't care about it," he said.
Another student, Febri Yogawati, said learning pranatacara helped her appreciate Javanese as a deep and meaningful language.
"When I was learning about Javanese literature, I found many meaningful philosophies inside," said Febri, who plans to learn more about Javanese literature in college after graduating from senior high school.
She said it's important for students to learn more about local culture as it helps them gain a greater understanding of local wisdom.
"It's very useful. It helps us to get deeper understanding of life."
Tuesday, July 01, 2008
Governor candidates address mudflow
ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Surabaya | Mon, 06/23/2008 10:36 AM | The Archipelago
Candidates contending the East Java gubernatorial race are at loggerheads over the mudflow disaster, which has affected 14 villages in the East Java regency of Sidoarjo and has left thousands of victims uncertain of their future.
Two gubernatorial candidates, Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Soekarwo, and vice governor hopeful Ali Maschan Moesa showed support for a presidential regulation requiring PT Lapindo Brantas Inc. to only pay compensation to residents of the four villages already buried by the mudflow. Sutjipto, a candidate nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), blamed the mining company, owned by Abdurizal Bakrie's family, for the mudflow, saying the company should take responsibility for the mudflow and affected residents.
Khofifah, paired with Mudjiono and nominated by a coalition of 12 small parties, said Saturday both the government and Lapindo should address the mudflow victims by implementing the presidential regulation and by conducting a review of the map of affected villages.
"If I win the election, my government will focus on handling the situation according to the presidential regulation, updating the data on the victims and reconstructing damaged infrastructure," she said, adding all affected villages should receive equal treatment.
She declined to comment on the result of a new study that said Lapindo was the main culprit of the disaster. She said her government would devote greater attention to education for the victims, especially those living in the Porong market building.
Some 600 families from the affected village of Renokenongo have occupied the market building for almost two years and have rejected the compensation scheme offered to them, which they say puts no sanctions on Lapindo if it failed to pay out the compensation.
Ali Maschan called on the government to focus on the relocation of the victims to safe areas, instead of paying cash in compensation for the victims. "It is better for the government to resettle all the victims to new safe areas because the presidential regulation does not guarantee Lapindo will pay compensation to the victims."
Lapindo and the government should also widen the Porong road connecting Surabaya and Malang to settle the daily traffic jam problem, which costs the people Rp 400 billion per month, he said.
Soekarwo, nominated by the National mandate Party (PAN) and the Democratic Party (PD), called on the government and Lapindo to construct strong giant dikes to prevent the mudflow from overflowing and sweeping through surrounding villages.
He also said the provincial government should complete the reconstruction of power, liquid gas and water pipelines in 2009.
"It is the government's task to fund the reconstruction work and to provide compensation for the victims," he said.
Sutjipto, paired with Ridwan Hisjam, said the government should bring the Bakrie family to justice and pay for all the negative social impacts of the mud leakage.
"The gas leakage was caused by the company's negligence, for which the Bakrie family should take responsibility," he said.
The Nation Awakening Party's Ahmady, paired with Suhartono, declined to comment on the mudflow problem, which he said should be settled by the government and Lapindo.
Mudflow victims said they would likely not use their voting rights in the gubernatorial elections if the candidates did not pay attention to the prolonged issue.
Besuki resident Abdul Rohim, whose village was one of the ten affected by the mudflow, said "All legislators paying no attention to their constituents should be replaced."
Candidates contending the East Java gubernatorial race are at loggerheads over the mudflow disaster, which has affected 14 villages in the East Java regency of Sidoarjo and has left thousands of victims uncertain of their future.
Two gubernatorial candidates, Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Soekarwo, and vice governor hopeful Ali Maschan Moesa showed support for a presidential regulation requiring PT Lapindo Brantas Inc. to only pay compensation to residents of the four villages already buried by the mudflow. Sutjipto, a candidate nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), blamed the mining company, owned by Abdurizal Bakrie's family, for the mudflow, saying the company should take responsibility for the mudflow and affected residents.
Khofifah, paired with Mudjiono and nominated by a coalition of 12 small parties, said Saturday both the government and Lapindo should address the mudflow victims by implementing the presidential regulation and by conducting a review of the map of affected villages.
"If I win the election, my government will focus on handling the situation according to the presidential regulation, updating the data on the victims and reconstructing damaged infrastructure," she said, adding all affected villages should receive equal treatment.
She declined to comment on the result of a new study that said Lapindo was the main culprit of the disaster. She said her government would devote greater attention to education for the victims, especially those living in the Porong market building.
Some 600 families from the affected village of Renokenongo have occupied the market building for almost two years and have rejected the compensation scheme offered to them, which they say puts no sanctions on Lapindo if it failed to pay out the compensation.
Ali Maschan called on the government to focus on the relocation of the victims to safe areas, instead of paying cash in compensation for the victims. "It is better for the government to resettle all the victims to new safe areas because the presidential regulation does not guarantee Lapindo will pay compensation to the victims."
Lapindo and the government should also widen the Porong road connecting Surabaya and Malang to settle the daily traffic jam problem, which costs the people Rp 400 billion per month, he said.
Soekarwo, nominated by the National mandate Party (PAN) and the Democratic Party (PD), called on the government and Lapindo to construct strong giant dikes to prevent the mudflow from overflowing and sweeping through surrounding villages.
He also said the provincial government should complete the reconstruction of power, liquid gas and water pipelines in 2009.
"It is the government's task to fund the reconstruction work and to provide compensation for the victims," he said.
Sutjipto, paired with Ridwan Hisjam, said the government should bring the Bakrie family to justice and pay for all the negative social impacts of the mud leakage.
"The gas leakage was caused by the company's negligence, for which the Bakrie family should take responsibility," he said.
The Nation Awakening Party's Ahmady, paired with Suhartono, declined to comment on the mudflow problem, which he said should be settled by the government and Lapindo.
Mudflow victims said they would likely not use their voting rights in the gubernatorial elections if the candidates did not pay attention to the prolonged issue.
Besuki resident Abdul Rohim, whose village was one of the ten affected by the mudflow, said "All legislators paying no attention to their constituents should be replaced."
Planting the seeds of change
ID Nugroho , The Jakarta Post , Bondowoso, East Java | Tue, 07/01/2008 10:25 AM | PeopleIt was curiosity that motivated Jadjit Bustomi to take his students from SD Sucolor I Maesan Bondowoso elementary school to Paseban hill for a study tour back in 1977.
The excursion almost turned into tragedy when a student slipped on a stone and fell over, rolling down the hill.
"At that time, I realized how dangerous a barren hill is. Rocks from a landslide could fall on people living down below," Jadjit recalled.
After the incident he began thinking about regreening the 118-hectare barren hill not far from his home in Maesan, Bondowoso regency, East Java, but he was not sure where to start.
The former fiber company worker from the East Java town of Kediri decided to move to Sucolor in 1977 to try his luck as a teacher.
He was switching to a job that reflected his training as a graduate of the government-run Teachers Education School in Kediri.
He made the decision to move after learning that many teachers frequently asked to be transferred out of Sucolor, located some 12 kilometers from Bondowoso's city center.
Their reasons were not clear, but Jadjit suspected it was because the area's infertile and barren land made it uncomfortable to live in.
When he first set foot in Sucolor, he was stunned. Apart from the barren hill, the entire area was dried out.
"I don't know why, but at the time I was thinking about how I could change the situation," Jadjit said.
The answer appeared right before his eyes, when he saw his students suffering in the scorching heat as they walked home after school.
Already a hobby gardener, Jadjit came up with the idea of encouraging his students to plant trees along the road heading to the village.
"I just didn't want students to suffer from the scorching heat while they were walking home from school," Jadjit said.
Now several years later, the trees have grown and serve as "umbrellas" along the road toward the school.
Jadjit came up with more ideas, this time working on rice fields and farms belonging to his neighbors that were used to grow vegetables and other secondary crops.
However, the father of two adopted children found out the vegetables and other secondary crops planted around the rice fields and farms brought in little revenue for the villagers.
He introduced three plant varieties -- pete tree, which produces beans with a pungent odor, mango and durian.
In the beginning, no one welcomed his ideas.
"Maybe because they were not used to it. So I tried planting them first in my own field. Finally the villagers realized that pete, mango and durian are more profitable to grow."
Within a year, a single pete tree can produce 6,000 pods of pete. In a city, each pod can fetch Rp 2,000.
Villagers were soon asking Jadjit to teach them how to plant it and pete became the new farming treasure of Sucolor.
In order to meet demand for pete seed, Jadjit and the villagers produced at least 100,000 seeds for further farming.
"Those seeds aren't for sale. The residents only replace the Rp 200 (20 US cents) cost per seed for production and the money is used to produce more seeds," Jadjit said.
Pete trees, as well as durian and mango, turned the once-barren hill a lavish green, while Jadjit became known as the resident seed expert.
Far from satisfied, he continued searching for plants that were both suitable for Sucolor's soil and would be profitable for the villagers.
Jadjit only gained recognition for his efforts when he won a competition to plant a million trees back in 2004, but has since won several awards, including the Kalpataru Award on June 5 this year for World Environment Day.
The award was presented by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to Jadjit, who went on to be a principal of SD Sucolor from 1987 until this year, for his dedication to environment preservation beyond his official duties.
But despite the accolades and the cash prize of Rp 10 million -- which falls far short of the time and money Jadjit has dedicated to environmental restoration and community building -- he remains a humble man.
"Actually, I don't like the idea of being awarded, but that's up to others," he said.
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